墨子介紹英語怎麼說

1. 用簡單的英語描述孔子，孟子，墨子的生平

孔子的生平 One of the most famous people in ancient China was a wise philosopher named Confucius (circa 551-479 BC). He sometimes went by the names Kong Zi though he was born - Kong Qiu - styled Zhong Ni. He was born in the village of Zou in the country of Lu. This chinese man was a well-known leader in philosophy and he also made many wise phrases and theories about the law, life, and the government. Philosophy is a kind of a system of ideas and thoughts that talk about the human's behavior, the rules that you should follow to make a successful life, and about the government. In other words, it's about thoughts and theories that teach other people lessons about principles, or rules, about life and it also teaches you a moral ( sort of like the morals that are at the end of a fable). Confucius is famous for his philosophy because he made many wise sayings in ancient China that helped many people learn about nature, the world, and the human behavior. He also helped the government and the emperor by teaching them lessons on how the emperor should rule his kingdom successfully. Confucius was born in a poor family in the year 551 B.C., and he was born in the state of Lu. His original name was K'ung Ch'iu. His father, commander of a district in Lu, died three years after Confucius was born, leaving the family in poverty; but Confucius nevertheless received a fine ecation. He was married at the age of 19 and had one son and two daughters. He worked as a keeper of a market. Then he was a farm worker who took care of parks and farm animals. When he was 20, he worked for the governor of his district.

2. 我想介紹滕州的旅遊景點，像紅河濕地,墨子,蓮青山等,用英語怎麼說

滕州（Teng Zhou），因境內泉水抄騰涌而得名，東臨沂蒙山，南望蘇北徐州，西抱微山湖，北依孔孟之鄉。滕州為中國76個四線城市之一，面積1485平方公里，總人口170萬，城市位於山東省南部，地處黃淮沖積平原，遙望龍山，荊河穿城而過與美麗的微山湖相連，京滬鐵路、京滬高鐵、京台高速、嵐曹高速

3. 墨子故里用英語怎麼說啊

I come from Tengzhou, a canal city north of the Yangtze River and also the hometown of the great ancient scholar Mozi .

4. 墨子用英語怎麼拼啊

Mozi
這是我的答案，希望可以幫到你，O(∩_∩)O謝謝

5. 墨子、孔子、孟子、英語名言翻譯

1.窮則獨善其身，達則兼濟天下
2.何以報德？以直報怨，以德報德
3.若使天下兼相愛，國專與國不相攻，屬家與家不相亂，盜賊無有，君臣父子皆能孝慈，若此，則天下治
4.得道者多助，失道者寡助
5.君君、臣臣、父父、子子

6. 歷史上第一個發明風箏的人是墨子英文

Luban was the first to use bamboo to make kites.

7. 英語翻譯。傳說中國古代哲學家墨子用了三年時間在濰坊製作了世界首個風箏。這個句子主謂賓是什麼

風箏的起源的三種傳說關於風箏的起源，大體有三種傳說。一是斗笠、樹葉說；二是帆船、帳篷說；三是飛鳥說。但就風箏起源於中國的結論，則是目前世界風箏界一致公認的。 【斗笠、樹葉說】斗笠是一種古老的防雨防暑器具，當人類由漁獵轉為耕作時就開始使用，特別在熱帶亞熱帶是必不可少的，那時的斗笠製作很簡單，系繩也就地取材，多用柔軟的樹皮纖維。據說有一農夫正在耕作時，忽然狂風大作，捲起了他的斗笠，農夫趕緊去追，一下抓住系繩。恰巧這系繩很長，斗笠便象風箏一樣在空中飛行。農夫覺得非常有趣，以後便經常給村民放斗笠，後來演變成放風箏。樹葉說來自於中國南方一帶。據說古時候人們對風卷樹葉滿天飛的現象十分崇拜，便用麻絲等拴樹葉放著玩，逐漸演變成放風箏活動。中國台灣的高山族、海南島的黎族人，早些時候就是用麵包樹的葉子做風箏。 【帆船、帳篷說】人類使用木舟的歷史以久，早在公元前2000多年就被用於生產。後來又有了帆船。傳說禹時船上已有了風帆。帆是藉助風力的機械，人們便仿照帆的原理，紮起風箏放飛。還有人說，風箏起源於北方的帳篷，最早的風箏是人們模仿大風颳起帳篷在空中飄揚的現象製造出來的，之後逐步演變成了一種游樂活動。 【飛鳥說】從目前的歷史記載和發現的古代風箏看，其結構、形狀、扎繪技術等，一個突出的標志就是以鳥的形狀多。因而得出結論：最初的風箏問世，是受飛鳥的啟發，模仿飛鳥而製造並以飛鳥命名的。人們崇尚飛鳥、熱愛飛鳥、模擬飛鳥而製作風箏，是人們對美好生活的追求。風箏因此而生，是天經地義的道理。 風箏起源於中國，這是目前世界風箏界一致公認的結論。中國最早的風箏是有古代的科學家墨翟製造的。據中國的史料《韓非子·外儲說》載：墨翟居魯山(今山東青州一帶)「斫木為鷂，三年而成，飛一日而敗。」是說墨子研究了三年，終於用木頭製成了一隻木鳥，但只飛了一天就壞了。墨子製造的這只「木鷂」就是中國最早的風箏。

8. 誰能用英文介紹一下墨子

history only a peasant philosopher Mozi, Mozi founded Mohism, Mohist School in the pre Qin period influence is very big, and Confucian and said "doctrine". He put forward the "universal love" and "non offensive", is "Yin", "still with", "Tian Zhi" and "Ming GUI", "Feiming", "music", "day funeral", "" prudence "point of view. To love as the core, moist Xian as the fulcrum. During the Warring States period, Mo-tse established a set of scientific theory, which is based on the outstanding achievements of geometry, physics and optics. At the time of the "non Confucian Jimo contention of a hundred schools of thought," said. After the death of Mo-tse, the magnitude of phase divided into ink, ink, Deng's husband's three school Mo ling. The disciple of Mo-tse's life story according to historical data, the collection of quotations, completed the "Mo-tse" a Book handed down.

9. 求一些墨子的英文介紹！急用！

Mozi (Mo Tzu: ca. 490-403 BC) was China's first true philosopher. Mozi pioneered the argumentative essay style and constructed the first normative and political theories. He formulated a pragmatic theory of language that gave classical Chinese philosophy its distinctive character. Speculations about Mozi's origins highlight the social mobility of the era. The best explanation of the rise of Mohism links it to the growth in influence of crafts and guilds in China. Mohism became influential when technical intelligence began to challenge traditional priestcraft in ancient China. The "Warring States" demand for scholars perhaps drew him from the lower ranks of craftsmen. Some stories picture him as a military fortifications expert. His criticisms show that he was also familiar with the Confucian priesthood.
The Confucian defender, Mencius, (371-289 BC) complained that the "words of Mozi and Yang Zhu fill the social world." Mozi advocated utilitarianism (using general welfare as a criterion of the correct guiding discourse) and equal concern for everyone. The Mohist movement eventually spawned a school of philosophy of language (called Later Mohists) which in turn influenced the mature form of both Daoism (Zhuangzi ca 360 BC) and Confucianism (Xunzi 298-238 BC).

The core Mohist text has a deliberate argumentative style. It uses a balanced symmetry of expression and repetition that aids memorization and enhances effect. Symmetry and repetition are natural stylistic aids for Classical Chinese, which is an extremely analytic language (one that relies on word order rather than part-of-speech inflections). Three rival accounts of most of the important sections survive in the Mozi.

Objective Standards and Utility

The "craft theory" of Mohism helps us explain the distinctive character of disciplined philosophical thought in China. As the Mohists analyze moral debates, they turn on which standards we should use to guide our execution of moral instructions. Mozi's orientation was that the standards should be measurement-like, e.g., like a carpenter's plumb line or square. Measurement-like standards lend themselves to reliable application. Experts do better than novices, but everyone can get good results. He tries to extend this reliability-based approach to questions of how to fix the reference of moral terms. Mozi does not think of moral philosophy as a search for the ultimate moral principle. It is the searches for a constant standard of moral interpretation and guidance.

Mozi attacks commonsense traditionalism (Confucianism) as a prelude to his argument for the utility standard. The attack shows that traditionalism is unreliable or inconstant. Mozi tells a story of a tribe that kills and eats their first born sons. We cannot, he observes, accept that this tradition is yimoral or renbenevolent. This illustrates, he argues, the error of treating tradition as a standard for the application of such terms. We need some extra-traditional standard to identify which tradition is right. Which should we make the constant social guide ()? For it to give constant guidance, we also need measurement-like standards for applying its terms of moral approval.

Mozi then proposed utility as the appropriate measurement standard for these joint purposes. We use it in selecting among moral traditions, neither directly to choose particular actions nor to formulate rules. The body of moral discourse to promote and encourage is the one that leads to social behavior that maximizes general utility. How does he justify the moral status of utility itself? He argues that it is the natural preference (tiannature:sky urge).

Constancy and Nature
The appeal to tian thus becomes an important component of Mozi's argument. In ancient China, tian was the traditional source of political authority ("the mandate of heaven"). Early Confucianism had "naturalized" tian from what many assume was an archaic deity to something more like "the course of nature." Its main characteristic (besides its moral authority) was that it's movement was changconstant.

Mozi exploited both the connotations of tian's authority and its constancy. Traditions are variable-they differ in different places and times. If we don't like its traditions, we can flee from a family, a society, even a kingdom. We cannot similarly escape the constancies of nature. Natural constancies thus become plausible candidates to arbitrate between rival traditions. To say a was constant functioned a little like saying it was objectively true.

The constant "natural" urge he identified was a comparatively measurable one-we imagine ourselves "weighing" benefits against harms. Thus, he proposed using the preference for benefit as a reliable, natural standard for choosing and interpreting traditional practices. We count as 'moral' and 'benevolent' those traditional discourses that promote utility. The natural urge to utility, he says, is like a compass or a square. It does not depend on a cultivated intuition or indoctrination.

Moral Reform
Society's moral reform takes place when we reform the social guiding discourse. People ecated in this discourse internalize its and the resulting disposition is called their devirtuosity. (The compound -de is the standard translation of 'ethics'.) Our devirtuosity proces a course of action in actual situations. Whether the course proced by discourse like "When X do Y" is successful or not depends on what we identify as "X" and "not-X" in the situation. For social coordination, we train people to make these distinctions in similar ways. The key to reforming guiding discourse is to reforming how we make distinctions, e.g. the distinction between 'moral' and 'immoral'.

Mozi understands the training process in several related ways. (1) We emphasize or make a different set of distinctions the dominant ones--hence we promote different words as disposition guides. For example, he says the ruler should use the word jianuniversal and not the word biepartial. If he speaks and thinks that way, he will be a more benevolent ruler. Society should make the benefit-promoting words the constant words in our social discourse. (2) We reform how we make the distinctions associated with terms that remain the same. For example, we will assign different things to shiright and feiwrong. (3) We can change the order of terms in the guiding discourse--use it to give different advice.

Reform Impasse
Notice that Mozi's posture as a moral reformer puts him in an argumentative bind that is related to one faced by Utilitarianism in the West. He admits he is challenging existing judgments and intuitions. What is the status of the principle he uses in proposing his alternative? How can he make his alternative seem other than immoral to someone from within that tradition? How can a moral reformer get over the impasse posed by conflicting moral intuitions?

One possibility emerges in another of Mozi's philosophical stories. He uses this story to criticize Confucian pro-family and "partial" moral attitudes. He depicts a conscript leaving his family to make war. It argues that if he were concerned about his family, he would want those to whom he entrusts them to adopt an attitude of universal concern. He would, Mozi argues, not seek out a person with "partial" moral attitudes. His family-centered, partial moral attitude is "inconstant" in the sense that it leads him to prefer that others have universal rather than partial attitudes. He would achieve his "partial" goals only if the public morality were altruistic. Confucian partiality is "inconstant" in that it recommends a public guiding discourse that is inconsistent with it. It can not consistently recommend itself as the collective social .

Mohist Psychology
Mozi's analysis shows Chinese thought has a notion of morality as independent from social conventions and history. However, it neither ties morality to the familiar Western concept of "reason" nor to principles or maxims that function within a belief-desire psychology. His focus is on the contrasting terms, benefit/harm, not on the sentence "do what maximizes benefit." The concept is a standard against which we measure social discourse as a whole. The standard is not a principle of reason; it is a natural preference distinction. The objects of evaluation are not actions or rules, they are bodies of discourse and widespread courses of action.

The psychological and conceptual structure of Mozi's moral analysis treats human nature as social and malleable. Human malleability derives from our tendency to learn, to mimic, to seek support and approval from those we respect-our social superiors. It derives also from the effect of language on "inner programming."

Mozi promotes renhumanity as the appropriate utilitarian disposition-the virtue of benevolence. He links it to his choice of universal over partial "love." Mozi acknowledges that instilling universal moral concern requires social reinforcement--official promotion and encouragement. Mozi's social theory of shang-tongagreeing with the superior describes the system that brings this about. Here Mozi gives a familiar justification of a system of authority. It will remind us of Thomas Hobbes state of nature.

Political Theory
Why, Mozi asks, do we choose ordered society over anarchy-the original state of nature. His description of the latter is of a state of inefficiency and waste. One important difference from the Western parallel is that Mozi sees humans as naturally moral creatures who disagree on their moral purposes. Prior to society, he says, humans had different yimorality. They end up in conflicts fueled by moral judgments. They cannot agree on what is shiright and feiwrong. It is clear, Mozi says, that the bad situation arises from the absence of a zhangelder. So [we] select a worthy man and name him tian-zinatural master. He then selects others of worth and creates the governing hierarchy. The hierarchy organizes us to harmonizes our yimorality, our use of shithis:right and feinot-this:wrong. We report "up" what we view as shithis:right and feinot-this:wrong; if the superior endorses it (shi-s it) then we all call it shi. If he fei-s it, I do too, even if I originally reported it as shi.

Another difference from Hobbes is the absence from Mozi's account of any notion of law or retributive punishment. The superior punishes people in Mozi's political world for failing to join in the utility-preserving system that coordinates attitudes, but not for violating anything like promulgated rules. He "promulgates" only moral judgments and social agreement is analogous to judicial conformity to precedent and higher court rulings. The judgment that something is shiright is equivalent to choosing it. Society gains through coordination of behavior and the efficiency of a "constant" guiding discourse.

While we harmonize our shi-fei judgments with those the ruler, he does not have arbitrary discretion in his assignments of shi-feiright-wrong. He must "conform upward" too and for the ruler the higher authority is tian and the natural standard of utility. Since all humans have access to that natural measurement standard. Ultimately we "conform upward" only when we correctly use the utility standard in judgment. Still, agreement is itself a utilitarian good, so we report our judgments up, and join in the general acceptance of the judgment that comes down.

This difficulty in making the political system coherent illustrates an implicit tension between the reforming utility standard that is accessible to everyone and Mozi's continued need for a traditional social authority. The tension becomes explicit in Mozi's account of three fameasurement standards for yanlanguage. He lists first the model of past sage kings. Second, he observes the importance of standards to which ordinary people have access "through their eyes and ears." Clear, measurement-like standards can be applied by "even the unskillful" with good results. He lists the pragmatic appeal to usefulness third. While it anchors his reform spirit, he clearly recognizes the importance of historical and traditional patterns in determining correct usage.

Pragmatism
Mozi applies his standards in a famous set of arguments concerning 'spirits' and 'fate'. He appeals to what the sage kings and old literature say, what people in general say, using their "eyes and ears" and, most importantly, what effects on behavior will result from saying "spirits exist" vs. " spirits do not exist" or "there is fate" vs. "there is no fate." Mozi acknowledges that there may be no spirits. Still, he argues, the standards of language all weigh in favor of saying 'exists' of them. He characterizes his conclusion as knowing the way of 'existence-nonexistence'. Knowing how to deploy this distinction is knowing to say 'exists' of spirits and 'does not exist' of fate. We change the content of discourse via making the 'exist-not exist' distinction in a particular way.

Mohism died out when the emerging imperial dynastic system promoted a Confucian orthodoxy. Mozi's long-term influence is controversial. Confucian histories treat Mohism as a brief, inconsequential interlude of "Western Style thought." However, his influence arguably shaped Confucian orthodoxy as much as Confucius did. Mozi forced later classical Confucians thinkers to defend their normative theory philosophically and in doing so, they adopted his terms of analysis and many of his key ethical attitudes. Paradoxically, the vehicle for the absorption of Mohist ideas was his chief detractor, Mencius, who effectively abandoned traditionalism and constructed a Confucian version of benevolence-based naturalism that was implicitly universal.

Daoism, similarly, grew out of a relativistic analysis of the Confucian-Mohist debate. Arguably, we owe to Mozi the fact that Chinese philosophy exists. Without him, Confucianism might never have risen above "wise man" sayings and Daoism might have languished as nothing more than a "Yellow Emperor" cult.

10. 墨子的意思，但不知道有沒有英語讀法

墨子的釋義：

• 1. 春秋戰國之際思想家、政治家，墨家的創始人。 名翟。相傳原為內宋國人，容後長期住在魯國，收徒講學，成為儒家的反對派。主張「兼愛」，即天下人應相愛互利，不應有親疏貴賤之別。思想上有唯物主義傾向，但也有宗教迷信成分。墨子學說在當時思想界影響很大。著作編入《墨子》。

墨子

[詞典] Mo-tse;

[例句]溫習和研究墨子的聖人與和諧思想，是人類社會的重要課題。

The review and study of Mozi's thoughts of sage and harmony is significant for the humansociety.