墨子介绍英语怎么说

1. 用简单的英语描述孔子，孟子，墨子的生平

孔子的生平 One of the most famous people in ancient China was a wise philosopher named Confucius (circa 551-479 BC). He sometimes went by the names Kong Zi though he was born - Kong Qiu - styled Zhong Ni. He was born in the village of Zou in the country of Lu. This chinese man was a well-known leader in philosophy and he also made many wise phrases and theories about the law, life, and the government. Philosophy is a kind of a system of ideas and thoughts that talk about the human's behavior, the rules that you should follow to make a successful life, and about the government. In other words, it's about thoughts and theories that teach other people lessons about principles, or rules, about life and it also teaches you a moral ( sort of like the morals that are at the end of a fable). Confucius is famous for his philosophy because he made many wise sayings in ancient China that helped many people learn about nature, the world, and the human behavior. He also helped the government and the emperor by teaching them lessons on how the emperor should rule his kingdom successfully. Confucius was born in a poor family in the year 551 B.C., and he was born in the state of Lu. His original name was K'ung Ch'iu. His father, commander of a district in Lu, died three years after Confucius was born, leaving the family in poverty; but Confucius nevertheless received a fine ecation. He was married at the age of 19 and had one son and two daughters. He worked as a keeper of a market. Then he was a farm worker who took care of parks and farm animals. When he was 20, he worked for the governor of his district.

2. 我想介绍滕州的旅游景点，像红河湿地,墨子,莲青山等,用英语怎么说

滕州（Teng Zhou），因境内泉水抄腾涌而得名，东临沂蒙山，南望苏北徐州，西抱微山湖，北依孔孟之乡。滕州为中国76个四线城市之一，面积1485平方公里，总人口170万，城市位于山东省南部，地处黄淮冲积平原，遥望龙山，荆河穿城而过与美丽的微山湖相连，京沪铁路、京沪高铁、京台高速、岚曹高速

3. 墨子故里用英语怎么说啊

I come from Tengzhou, a canal city north of the Yangtze River and also the hometown of the great ancient scholar Mozi .

4. 墨子用英语怎么拼啊

Mozi
这是我的答案，希望可以帮到你，O(∩_∩)O谢谢

5. 墨子、孔子、孟子、英语名言翻译

1.穷则独善其身，达则兼济天下
2.何以报德？以直报怨，以德报德
3.若使天下兼相爱，国专与国不相攻，属家与家不相乱，盗贼无有，君臣父子皆能孝慈，若此，则天下治
4.得道者多助，失道者寡助
5.君君、臣臣、父父、子子

6. 历史上第一个发明风筝的人是墨子英文

Luban was the first to use bamboo to make kites.

7. 英语翻译。传说中国古代哲学家墨子用了三年时间在潍坊制作了世界首个风筝。这个句子主谓宾是什么

风筝的起源的三种传说关于风筝的起源，大体有三种传说。一是斗笠、树叶说；二是帆船、帐篷说；三是飞鸟说。但就风筝起源于中国的结论，则是目前世界风筝界一致公认的。 【斗笠、树叶说】斗笠是一种古老的防雨防暑器具，当人类由渔猎转为耕作时就开始使用，特别在热带亚热带是必不可少的，那时的斗笠制作很简单，系绳也就地取材，多用柔软的树皮纤维。据说有一农夫正在耕作时，忽然狂风大作，卷起了他的斗笠，农夫赶紧去追，一下抓住系绳。恰巧这系绳很长，斗笠便象风筝一样在空中飞行。农夫觉得非常有趣，以后便经常给村民放斗笠，后来演变成放风筝。树叶说来自于中国南方一带。据说古时候人们对风卷树叶满天飞的现象十分崇拜，便用麻丝等拴树叶放着玩，逐渐演变成放风筝活动。中国台湾的高山族、海南岛的黎族人，早些时候就是用面包树的叶子做风筝。 【帆船、帐篷说】人类使用木舟的历史以久，早在公元前2000多年就被用于生产。后来又有了帆船。传说禹时船上已有了风帆。帆是借助风力的机械，人们便仿照帆的原理，扎起风筝放飞。还有人说，风筝起源于北方的帐篷，最早的风筝是人们模仿大风刮起帐篷在空中飘扬的现象制造出来的，之后逐步演变成了一种游乐活动。 【飞鸟说】从目前的历史记载和发现的古代风筝看，其结构、形状、扎绘技术等，一个突出的标志就是以鸟的形状多。因而得出结论：最初的风筝问世，是受飞鸟的启发，模仿飞鸟而制造并以飞鸟命名的。人们崇尚飞鸟、热爱飞鸟、模拟飞鸟而制作风筝，是人们对美好生活的追求。风筝因此而生，是天经地义的道理。 风筝起源于中国，这是目前世界风筝界一致公认的结论。中国最早的风筝是有古代的科学家墨翟制造的。据中国的史料《韩非子·外储说》载：墨翟居鲁山(今山东青州一带)“斫木为鹞，三年而成，飞一日而败。”是说墨子研究了三年，终于用木头制成了一只木鸟，但只飞了一天就坏了。墨子制造的这只“木鹞”就是中国最早的风筝。

8. 谁能用英文介绍一下墨子

history only a peasant philosopher Mozi, Mozi founded Mohism, Mohist School in the pre Qin period influence is very big, and Confucian and said "doctrine". He put forward the "universal love" and "non offensive", is "Yin", "still with", "Tian Zhi" and "Ming GUI", "Feiming", "music", "day funeral", "" prudence "point of view. To love as the core, moist Xian as the fulcrum. During the Warring States period, Mo-tse established a set of scientific theory, which is based on the outstanding achievements of geometry, physics and optics. At the time of the "non Confucian Jimo contention of a hundred schools of thought," said. After the death of Mo-tse, the magnitude of phase divided into ink, ink, Deng's husband's three school Mo ling. The disciple of Mo-tse's life story according to historical data, the collection of quotations, completed the "Mo-tse" a Book handed down.

9. 求一些墨子的英文介绍！急用！

Mozi (Mo Tzu: ca. 490-403 BC) was China's first true philosopher. Mozi pioneered the argumentative essay style and constructed the first normative and political theories. He formulated a pragmatic theory of language that gave classical Chinese philosophy its distinctive character. Speculations about Mozi's origins highlight the social mobility of the era. The best explanation of the rise of Mohism links it to the growth in influence of crafts and guilds in China. Mohism became influential when technical intelligence began to challenge traditional priestcraft in ancient China. The "Warring States" demand for scholars perhaps drew him from the lower ranks of craftsmen. Some stories picture him as a military fortifications expert. His criticisms show that he was also familiar with the Confucian priesthood.
The Confucian defender, Mencius, (371-289 BC) complained that the "words of Mozi and Yang Zhu fill the social world." Mozi advocated utilitarianism (using general welfare as a criterion of the correct guiding discourse) and equal concern for everyone. The Mohist movement eventually spawned a school of philosophy of language (called Later Mohists) which in turn influenced the mature form of both Daoism (Zhuangzi ca 360 BC) and Confucianism (Xunzi 298-238 BC).

The core Mohist text has a deliberate argumentative style. It uses a balanced symmetry of expression and repetition that aids memorization and enhances effect. Symmetry and repetition are natural stylistic aids for Classical Chinese, which is an extremely analytic language (one that relies on word order rather than part-of-speech inflections). Three rival accounts of most of the important sections survive in the Mozi.

Objective Standards and Utility

The "craft theory" of Mohism helps us explain the distinctive character of disciplined philosophical thought in China. As the Mohists analyze moral debates, they turn on which standards we should use to guide our execution of moral instructions. Mozi's orientation was that the standards should be measurement-like, e.g., like a carpenter's plumb line or square. Measurement-like standards lend themselves to reliable application. Experts do better than novices, but everyone can get good results. He tries to extend this reliability-based approach to questions of how to fix the reference of moral terms. Mozi does not think of moral philosophy as a search for the ultimate moral principle. It is the searches for a constant standard of moral interpretation and guidance.

Mozi attacks commonsense traditionalism (Confucianism) as a prelude to his argument for the utility standard. The attack shows that traditionalism is unreliable or inconstant. Mozi tells a story of a tribe that kills and eats their first born sons. We cannot, he observes, accept that this tradition is yimoral or renbenevolent. This illustrates, he argues, the error of treating tradition as a standard for the application of such terms. We need some extra-traditional standard to identify which tradition is right. Which should we make the constant social guide ()? For it to give constant guidance, we also need measurement-like standards for applying its terms of moral approval.

Mozi then proposed utility as the appropriate measurement standard for these joint purposes. We use it in selecting among moral traditions, neither directly to choose particular actions nor to formulate rules. The body of moral discourse to promote and encourage is the one that leads to social behavior that maximizes general utility. How does he justify the moral status of utility itself? He argues that it is the natural preference (tiannature:sky urge).

Constancy and Nature
The appeal to tian thus becomes an important component of Mozi's argument. In ancient China, tian was the traditional source of political authority ("the mandate of heaven"). Early Confucianism had "naturalized" tian from what many assume was an archaic deity to something more like "the course of nature." Its main characteristic (besides its moral authority) was that it's movement was changconstant.

Mozi exploited both the connotations of tian's authority and its constancy. Traditions are variable-they differ in different places and times. If we don't like its traditions, we can flee from a family, a society, even a kingdom. We cannot similarly escape the constancies of nature. Natural constancies thus become plausible candidates to arbitrate between rival traditions. To say a was constant functioned a little like saying it was objectively true.

The constant "natural" urge he identified was a comparatively measurable one-we imagine ourselves "weighing" benefits against harms. Thus, he proposed using the preference for benefit as a reliable, natural standard for choosing and interpreting traditional practices. We count as 'moral' and 'benevolent' those traditional discourses that promote utility. The natural urge to utility, he says, is like a compass or a square. It does not depend on a cultivated intuition or indoctrination.

Moral Reform
Society's moral reform takes place when we reform the social guiding discourse. People ecated in this discourse internalize its and the resulting disposition is called their devirtuosity. (The compound -de is the standard translation of 'ethics'.) Our devirtuosity proces a course of action in actual situations. Whether the course proced by discourse like "When X do Y" is successful or not depends on what we identify as "X" and "not-X" in the situation. For social coordination, we train people to make these distinctions in similar ways. The key to reforming guiding discourse is to reforming how we make distinctions, e.g. the distinction between 'moral' and 'immoral'.

Mozi understands the training process in several related ways. (1) We emphasize or make a different set of distinctions the dominant ones--hence we promote different words as disposition guides. For example, he says the ruler should use the word jianuniversal and not the word biepartial. If he speaks and thinks that way, he will be a more benevolent ruler. Society should make the benefit-promoting words the constant words in our social discourse. (2) We reform how we make the distinctions associated with terms that remain the same. For example, we will assign different things to shiright and feiwrong. (3) We can change the order of terms in the guiding discourse--use it to give different advice.

Reform Impasse
Notice that Mozi's posture as a moral reformer puts him in an argumentative bind that is related to one faced by Utilitarianism in the West. He admits he is challenging existing judgments and intuitions. What is the status of the principle he uses in proposing his alternative? How can he make his alternative seem other than immoral to someone from within that tradition? How can a moral reformer get over the impasse posed by conflicting moral intuitions?

One possibility emerges in another of Mozi's philosophical stories. He uses this story to criticize Confucian pro-family and "partial" moral attitudes. He depicts a conscript leaving his family to make war. It argues that if he were concerned about his family, he would want those to whom he entrusts them to adopt an attitude of universal concern. He would, Mozi argues, not seek out a person with "partial" moral attitudes. His family-centered, partial moral attitude is "inconstant" in the sense that it leads him to prefer that others have universal rather than partial attitudes. He would achieve his "partial" goals only if the public morality were altruistic. Confucian partiality is "inconstant" in that it recommends a public guiding discourse that is inconsistent with it. It can not consistently recommend itself as the collective social .

Mohist Psychology
Mozi's analysis shows Chinese thought has a notion of morality as independent from social conventions and history. However, it neither ties morality to the familiar Western concept of "reason" nor to principles or maxims that function within a belief-desire psychology. His focus is on the contrasting terms, benefit/harm, not on the sentence "do what maximizes benefit." The concept is a standard against which we measure social discourse as a whole. The standard is not a principle of reason; it is a natural preference distinction. The objects of evaluation are not actions or rules, they are bodies of discourse and widespread courses of action.

The psychological and conceptual structure of Mozi's moral analysis treats human nature as social and malleable. Human malleability derives from our tendency to learn, to mimic, to seek support and approval from those we respect-our social superiors. It derives also from the effect of language on "inner programming."

Mozi promotes renhumanity as the appropriate utilitarian disposition-the virtue of benevolence. He links it to his choice of universal over partial "love." Mozi acknowledges that instilling universal moral concern requires social reinforcement--official promotion and encouragement. Mozi's social theory of shang-tongagreeing with the superior describes the system that brings this about. Here Mozi gives a familiar justification of a system of authority. It will remind us of Thomas Hobbes state of nature.

Political Theory
Why, Mozi asks, do we choose ordered society over anarchy-the original state of nature. His description of the latter is of a state of inefficiency and waste. One important difference from the Western parallel is that Mozi sees humans as naturally moral creatures who disagree on their moral purposes. Prior to society, he says, humans had different yimorality. They end up in conflicts fueled by moral judgments. They cannot agree on what is shiright and feiwrong. It is clear, Mozi says, that the bad situation arises from the absence of a zhangelder. So [we] select a worthy man and name him tian-zinatural master. He then selects others of worth and creates the governing hierarchy. The hierarchy organizes us to harmonizes our yimorality, our use of shithis:right and feinot-this:wrong. We report "up" what we view as shithis:right and feinot-this:wrong; if the superior endorses it (shi-s it) then we all call it shi. If he fei-s it, I do too, even if I originally reported it as shi.

Another difference from Hobbes is the absence from Mozi's account of any notion of law or retributive punishment. The superior punishes people in Mozi's political world for failing to join in the utility-preserving system that coordinates attitudes, but not for violating anything like promulgated rules. He "promulgates" only moral judgments and social agreement is analogous to judicial conformity to precedent and higher court rulings. The judgment that something is shiright is equivalent to choosing it. Society gains through coordination of behavior and the efficiency of a "constant" guiding discourse.

While we harmonize our shi-fei judgments with those the ruler, he does not have arbitrary discretion in his assignments of shi-feiright-wrong. He must "conform upward" too and for the ruler the higher authority is tian and the natural standard of utility. Since all humans have access to that natural measurement standard. Ultimately we "conform upward" only when we correctly use the utility standard in judgment. Still, agreement is itself a utilitarian good, so we report our judgments up, and join in the general acceptance of the judgment that comes down.

This difficulty in making the political system coherent illustrates an implicit tension between the reforming utility standard that is accessible to everyone and Mozi's continued need for a traditional social authority. The tension becomes explicit in Mozi's account of three fameasurement standards for yanlanguage. He lists first the model of past sage kings. Second, he observes the importance of standards to which ordinary people have access "through their eyes and ears." Clear, measurement-like standards can be applied by "even the unskillful" with good results. He lists the pragmatic appeal to usefulness third. While it anchors his reform spirit, he clearly recognizes the importance of historical and traditional patterns in determining correct usage.

Pragmatism
Mozi applies his standards in a famous set of arguments concerning 'spirits' and 'fate'. He appeals to what the sage kings and old literature say, what people in general say, using their "eyes and ears" and, most importantly, what effects on behavior will result from saying "spirits exist" vs. " spirits do not exist" or "there is fate" vs. "there is no fate." Mozi acknowledges that there may be no spirits. Still, he argues, the standards of language all weigh in favor of saying 'exists' of them. He characterizes his conclusion as knowing the way of 'existence-nonexistence'. Knowing how to deploy this distinction is knowing to say 'exists' of spirits and 'does not exist' of fate. We change the content of discourse via making the 'exist-not exist' distinction in a particular way.

Mohism died out when the emerging imperial dynastic system promoted a Confucian orthodoxy. Mozi's long-term influence is controversial. Confucian histories treat Mohism as a brief, inconsequential interlude of "Western Style thought." However, his influence arguably shaped Confucian orthodoxy as much as Confucius did. Mozi forced later classical Confucians thinkers to defend their normative theory philosophically and in doing so, they adopted his terms of analysis and many of his key ethical attitudes. Paradoxically, the vehicle for the absorption of Mohist ideas was his chief detractor, Mencius, who effectively abandoned traditionalism and constructed a Confucian version of benevolence-based naturalism that was implicitly universal.

Daoism, similarly, grew out of a relativistic analysis of the Confucian-Mohist debate. Arguably, we owe to Mozi the fact that Chinese philosophy exists. Without him, Confucianism might never have risen above "wise man" sayings and Daoism might have languished as nothing more than a "Yellow Emperor" cult.

10. 墨子的意思，但不知道有没有英语读法

墨子的释义：

• 1. 春秋战国之际思想家、政治家，墨家的创始人。 名翟。相传原为内宋国人，容后长期住在鲁国，收徒讲学，成为儒家的反对派。主张“兼爱”，即天下人应相爱互利，不应有亲疏贵贱之别。思想上有唯物主义倾向，但也有宗教迷信成分。墨子学说在当时思想界影响很大。著作编入《墨子》。

墨子

[词典] Mo-tse;

[例句]温习和研究墨子的圣人与和谐思想，是人类社会的重要课题。

The review and study of Mozi's thoughts of sage and harmony is significant for the humansociety.